The Aryan series | An Aryan question: Who or what was she?

Photo: Tweeted by Union minister Dr Harsh Vardhan

Prabhash K Dutta

I will begin this write-up with a story. Most of us have heard this at some point of time in our growing up years. It is called The Blind Men's Elephant. They could have been blind men only, not women. 

Why? 

Women are genetically predisposed to see a larger or complete picture. They have that extra full X chromosome. One may say that they may not use their genetic predisposition to their advantage. Men have a largely empty Y chromosome instead. Emptiness creates louder sound. 

There is another explanation to this genetics. Since women have their 'octane' [those who still remember chemistry classes would understand easily], they stay like inert gases, going about the motion. Men, however, set out to seek something to fill their genetic emptiness. 

I believe if blind women were to find out what an elephant look like, they would simply have asked someone who could see and settled in their chair peacefully. This explains why those Blind Men set out to explore what an elephant could be like.

The story is ancient and finds mention in one of the Upanishads. Since it finds mention there, the story must have been in popular or folk culture in an older period. The story goes like this.

HISTORY: BLIND MEN'S ELEPHANT

The blind men take turns to explore the elephant. The first man finds its trunk and reports that elephant is a snake-like animal with no bones [of contention]. The second man goes and gets hold of its tail to guess that an elephant is a rope-like animal with loose hair at the end.

The next one finds its tusk and returns impressed. He says that an elephant is like a strong stick with pointed end that could be used as a multi-purpose weapon. The fourth man was taller than others and meets one of its ears. He reports that an elephant is a winnowing basket-like animal that keeps waving like a hand-fan.

The fifth man was short and finds its leg. He declares elephant to be a pillar, very strong. The last man runs into the stomach of the elephant and concludes that an elephant must be like a wall.

Reconstruction of history has been a game played by historians of ideologies mirroring in effect the exploration of the Blind Men.

This longish prelude seemed necessary to me to put the Aryan question in perspective.

Aryan is an English word for Sanskrit's Arya. Who is an Arya?

PEOPLE FROM URALS-KAZAKHSTAN

Form whatever I have read, I say nobody knows the answer with certainty. Part of the problem lies in the lack of certainty about the origin of Sanskrit. It is part of the Indo-European language family. The most dominant theory is that proto-Sanskrit evolved in southern Urals-Kazakhstan where tribes identifying themselves as Aryans lived.

They migrated to India-AfPak region where Sanskrit developed into the language of oldest literature. While Sanskrit essentially has an Indian identity today, the first stone inscription in Sanskrit has been found from Syria. 

THE MITTANI'S SYRIA DIVERSION

The Mittani people, who spoke a different unrelated Hurrian language, worshiped Rig Vedic gods and had Sanskrit names. All Mittani kings are said to have had Sanskrit names. A Mittani king signed a treaty in 1380 BC with another kingdom and gods such as Indra, Mitra and Varun were witnesses. This timeline is placed within the Aryan period in Indian subcontinent.

This theory has been challenged by some researchers and analysts, who dismiss the Aryan migration theory that propounds movement of these tribes from Central Asia to India. Also, having a Sanskrit inscription in Syria could also mean that the dominating party was Sanskrit-speaking Aryans form the east.

Another problem of this model of history is that it places Old Persian of Avesta Gatha before Old Sanskrit of Rig Ved in a manner to suggest that Sanskrit emerged from that language or a prototype of the same family. A video representation showing Old Persian's sphere showing the way to Sanskrit has been in wide circulation and could be easily found on YouTube or some other social media platform.

FINDING ARYAN COORDINATES

Those who challenge the Aryan migration theory offer a range of arguments, most of which are not backed by irrefutable archaeological evidence or literary proof.

One such proponent is Navratna S Rajaram. He wrote two books on this question: Aryan Invasion of India in 1993 and The Politics of History in 1995. I first read his theory in an article published in The Hindu in 2000.

Article by NS Rajaram in The Hindu, 2000

Titled, "Looking beyond the Aryan invasion", Rajaram rejected the Aryan migration theory proposed by European writers, researchers and scholars in the 19th century, and consolidated by most mainstream history professors by aligning evidence to the theory. 

Reading Rajaram, it appears that he questions the premise that the European proponents of the Aryan migration theory were unbiased. His skepticism can't be discarded just like that. Though, his critics have done so. A European can take pride in finding that the pure Aryan race came from their land to India to produce the greatest literature of ancient world. 

Secondly, this could have supported the European idea that Indian needed to be civilised as they needed many millennia ago. It is the Europeans who popularised the idea that there was a Hindu India that was vanquished by a stream of Islamic conquerors. But Rajaram's rejection can't be accepted either without putting it to test.

LITERATE BUT NO LITERATURE, ILLITERATE WITH GREAT LITERATURE

Rajaram throws open a question that needs deeper digging for an accurate answer. He writes in The Hindu article: "the Harappans, the creators of one of the greatest material civilisations of antiquity have no literature, while the Vedic Aryans were said to be illiterate who depended on memory for preserving their literature. And, yet it is the literature of the illiterate Aryans that has survived in abundance while the literate Harappans have vanished without a literary trace."

Clearly, he is seeking to establish deeper connection between the Indus people and the Aryan people to extent of breaking the European-established dichotomy between the two. Is it not possible that the stream of historians played the six Blind Men failing to picture the elephant [in the room] as one complete entity?

BONES OF CONTENTION

Rajaram cites paleontology-biological evidence to back his claim of the Europeans' Aryan migration theory. He cites some research to says that the Indian cattle (Bos indicus) closer to the wild cattle of South-East Asia known as Banteng (Bos banteng or Bos javanicus). 

He also cites the example of India horse describing it "a special breed". He says it was closer to an ancient horse, known as the Siwalik Horse. He quotes Rig Ved to say that the literature says the Vedic horse had 34 ribs just like the Siwalik horse while the Central Asian horse had 36 ribs. 

This example establishes that the Aryan, the horse-riding stock, did not come from Central Asia, Rajaram stresses in the article. If at all, ancient humans came crossed the Indian Ocean to arrive in South or South-East Asian islands from eastern Africa and took the Aryan characteristics in India over several millennia. 

But if the Aryan migration theory is not foolproof, Rajaram's is yet to be tested before it could be mainstreamed. 

DISDAIN FOR OBJECTION

Rajaram's theory was slammed brutally by JNU's Shereen Ratnagar in a seven-page Frontline article in 1996. Ratnagar virtually shredded the two books by Rajaram in to historical pieces. Archaeologist Ratnagar said Rajaram's basic premise that the Aryan theory was about invasion of India was grossly inaccurate perception. She also dismissed Rajaram's suggestion that Rig Vedic age ends by 3700 BC.

Shereen Ratnagar dismissing NS Rajaram's theory in Frontline artilce, 1996

She questioned Rajaram's assertion that a 'Vedic' brass head was of sage Vashistha arguing that the technology of zinc smelting with copper was not developed till 100 BC in India. Placing such an object in the fourth millennium BC would be "nonsense", she said.

Ratnagar contends that Rajaram does not understand linguistics, the social science of phonology and semantics. She rejects the suggestion that the Aryan movement happened from Down South to the North where Vedas were finally composed. Attempting to coach Rajaram in linguistics, she says Sanskrit and Dravidian languages were from two different families. 

BUT, RAJARAM IS NOT TOTALLY OUT

She, however, comes closer to Rajaram's suggestion when she says that Indo-Aryan languages (such as Sanskrit) are "unique in having retroflex consonants like t, th, d, dh, n that clearly derive from Dravidian" languages.

Shereen Ratnagar also referred to horse example saying that the Mittanis could not have introduced Indian horses into Syria and that their horses were from the steppes of Central Asia.

Writing four years after Shereen Ratnagar's Frontline article, Rajaram in his The Hindu article cited the Siwalik horse example. The debate is still not settled and needs more scholarship.

So, we have no idea who the Arya was?

THAT ARYAN GIRL DESERVES AN I-CARD

What we can assume is that Arya refers to someone civilised in manner, intellect and practice. It might not well be about a stock of people or a group of tribes, certainly not colour or race. There could have been an Arya and an Anarya in the same family. We don't know. There is a reference about man, wife and his son belonging to different varna in Vedic literature. Arya could be similar to varna and equally misunderstood over three millennia.

My untrained brain throws up a Sanskrit word, Ari meaning enemy. Did this word have any relation to Arya?

The Aryan series | A primer on Early Vedic times, Rigvedic society, polity and economy

Photo: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta

Prabhash K Dutta

The Rigved Samhita is the prime source of information about Early Rigvedic period that corresponds to roughly 1500-1000 BC. The Rigved Samhita comprises of 10 Mandals, of which Mandal II to VII are considered to be the oldest and belonging specifically to this period. Mandals I, VIII, IX and X are considered to be later additions to the Samhita. However, historians say even the earlier books/Mandals are not free from interpolations. They point to references to agriculture in Mandal-IV saying agriculture became a practice later in history.

GEOGRAPHICAL EXTENT

As per places mentioned in the Rigved and identified by historians, the geographical extent of the people of Rigvedic period included such areas as drained by the Indus and its western tributaries, and towards the east, their expanse was limited by the Yamuna and Ganga.

Within this area, the valleys of Indus, Saraswati and Drasavati as well as five Punjabi rivers seem to have formed the core area of Rigvedic people.

ECONOMY

Rigvedic economy appears to have been primarily pastoral. Cattle were very important in this period. Term ‘Gau’ is referred to as many as 176 times in the relevant Mandals. There have been prayers for ‘Pashu’, a term historians say referred to not only goats, sheep, horses etc but also men during those days.

The importance of cattle or gau in the Early Vedic Age could be sensed from the following words used in day-to-day businesses:

Gomat: It was used to denote a wealthy man. It literally means a person who possesses cows or cattle.

Gavishti: Literally meaning search for cattle or cows referred to battle. This indicates that gavishti referred to raids that were conducted considering legitimate to acquire cattle or other animals.

Gopati: It was another word for Raja. Literally, gopati means the lord or protector of cattle, cows.

Duhtir: It was the term for daughter. Literally, duhtir means somebody who milks the cow/cattle.

Godhuli: It was a measure of time in the evening. Literally, godhuli refers to the dust thrown in air by the hoofs of a herd of cattle being tended home by the herders. The dust would cloud the evening sky making the evening homecoming of animals a picturesque impact on the Rigvedic people. Hence, the time before the onset of darkness came to be called godhuli.

Gavyuti: It was a term for distance.

The exact relations of production in pastoral economy of Early Rigvedic times are not clear. It is possible that the animals were herded in common and it is likely that cattle were owned by a large patriarchal which gave rise to the concept of gotra (another word stamping the importance of gau in Rigvedic life).

However, the pastoral lands were under the control of the whole community and probably the cattle obtained in raids were distributed through assemblies such as the Gana and Parishad.

Nevertheless not all members of the community had equal access to such animals and it is likely that the leaders and close supporters in such raids received a larger share than others.

Cattle formed an important item of daan (gifts) given to priests commonly by the Raja, called the Rajanya and probably, it was a part of the presentations or tribute offered to the chief by the members of the clan, collectively called Vish.

Evidence regarding agriculture was much more limited and suggested its unimportance. Most of the references to agriculture belong to a later date. Apart from yava (barley), no other grains are mentioned.

Unlike cattle, lands or grains do not figure as objects of disputes. Land is also not mentioned as an article of donation in daanstutis (song praising the deed of donation). There are also no prayers to obtain lands and chiefs are not expected to protect land.

Early Vedic period did not use iron technology.

Fire was used to burn down the forest cover. Shifting agriculture was practised.

The region received low rainfall and all the rivers mentioned in the Rigved are known to change their courses frequently.

The tools used for agricultural operations were fairly simple. These included:

Langala or Sira – plough

Phala (probably of wood) – ploughshare

Khanitra – hoe

Datra – sickle

Parasu – axe

Evidence of pastoralism as well as shifting cultivation suggest that the people of the Rigvedic culture were either nomadic or semi-nomadic.

Individual land ownership was virtually unknown. It seems land was held in common, although plots were periodically allotted to large patrilineal family. Cultivation appears to have been undertaken by the member of the family, which functioned as a unit. There is no reference to hired labourers or slaves being engaged in agriculture.

References to craft specialists in the Rigved are relatively sparse. The groups mentioned include leather workers, wheel makers, smiths and potters. None of these groups was considered to be of low or lower status. They were rendering important services to society and thus earned respect and reputation.

In the case of pottery, the basic techniques used were similar to those of the Harappans. Use of colours in pottery making was also the same – black or red. But the forms of vessels and use of decorations on them changed. The popular forms or shapes were urns, carinated vessel and footed vases. Popular decorations included stars, rings, dots and mythical peacocks and bulls.

Weaving appears to have been a domestic craft, under the control of women in the household. Wool obtained from sheep was possibly the raw material. There are no references to cotton in the Rigved. The Harappan people cultivated cotton in the same region in the gone by centuries.

Probably, barter system was the medium of trade.

The Early Vedic economic system has been characterised as a ‘gift economy’. Such exchange of gifts operated at a number of levels. In the first place, the booty obtained through warfare was redistributed. Apart from cattle, this might have included horses, women, slaves, and possibly at a later stage, cultivated land.

Such a distribution took place in assemblies such as the Vidhath or the Gana. It probably ensured that the Rajanya secured the continued support of the Vish, on one hand, and the priestly class on the other. The Vish supplied militia to ruler. The priestly class performed prayers and sacrifices that ostensibly ensured divine support to and gave legitimisation of Rajanya’s right to rule.

Besides the distribution of war booty, there was Bali, collection or donation or contribution from the Vish of one’s own Jana, and also from the hostile people who had been subjugated to the king. In the former’s case, it appears to have been voluntary and in the nature of presentation. The Vish probably brought Bali as means of pleasing the Rajan possibly on occasions of sacrifices and feats.

Bali in the later literature is regarded as tax. The constituents of Bali might have included cattle, dairy products and grains. Bali from hostile but subjugated people might have included metal or metal objects.

A part of the Bali constituted a source of income for the Rajan. Another part was used in sacrificial offerings Another portion was to provide communal feasts which accompanied sacrifices and a part distributed to priests either as alkaline or dana. The last was done by the Rajan to acquire prestige as is evident from daanastutis. Obviously, the distribution associated with Bali was asymmetrical.

SOCIETY

The Early Vedic society was in many respects egalitarian. It was mostly a tribal society. The Early Vedic society was not divided on caste lines. The tribe was referred to as the Jana, the largest unit.

Some of the tribes fought in the battle of the Ten Kings. The ten tribes who fought in the battle included: the Bharatas, the Purus, the Vadus, the Druhyus, the Anus and the Turvasus. The office of Rajan was not hereditary as he was chosen by and from among the clansmen. It is not clear whether women had a say in the selection of the Rajan.

The four-fold varna system was virtually absent in the Early Vedic age. There are only 14 references to Brahmanas, nine to Kshatriyas and just one to Shudra. Reference to Shudra comes in the context of Purushasukta – about the cosmic man.

The basic social unit was a patriarchal family called Kula. It was probably also the basic unit of production and consumption.

Child marriage was unknown.

There are occasional references to hostile groups such as Dasa, Dasyus and Panis. Dasa later became a reference to slaves. But in the Rig Vedic or Early Vedic period, Dasa and Dasyus are described as well-to-do people possessing cattle. They lived in fortified settlements. They were dark complexioned, snub nosed and worshippers of phallus. Some interpret this as reference to pre-Vedic Indians.

Panis were rich in cattle and treasure, according to Rig Vedic references.

They did not practice sacrifices and regarded as hostile people. These groups fought and made friends with another from time-to-time. One cannot regard them as separate linguist or racial groups on the basis of available Rig Vedic evidence.

The most famous chief mentioned in the Rig Veda is Sudasa, who led the Bharata tribe in the Battle of Ten Kings. The battle was fought over the division of water of the Ravi. His very name indicates the connection with the Dasas.

POLITY

The tribal polity was not completely egalitarian. A division is found in the Rigved itself between the Rajanya – those who led the Vish in wars were credited to be of senior lineage, and the rest of the clansmen, the Vish – who were considered to be of junior lineage.

The Purohita gained a special status in that society. They significance grew with the increase in the incidences of fights and conflicts as yajnas or sacrifices also became important. And, in the later period, they attained and assumed a superior position compared to other clan members.

The Rajan assumed importance due to wars that also contributed to sharper division between the senior and junior lineages in the Vish. At what point of time, these distinction became apparent is difficult to say but the tenth Mandala of the Rigved contains Purushasukta – the hymns that state that Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra sprang separately from the mouth, arms, thighs and feet of the cosmic man (Purusha) respectively. 

These terms later signified the four broad castes of society. In the later Vedic texts, the superior Rajanya groups assumed the status of Kshatriya – a separate varna in itself.

Tribal assemblies, for example, Gana, Vidhatha, Sabha and Samiti are mentioned in the Rigved. Sabha might have been the council of select clan members, while the Samiti was the general tribal assembly, comprising the whole clan. 

These assemblies performed the functions of the government and were also involved in the selection of the Rajan from among the clansmen. Thus, they kept the powers of the Rajan and Rajanya in check. However, we do not find well-defined political hierarchy in the Early Vedic setup.

RELIGION

Rigvedic people venerated natural forces such as wind, water, rain, thunder, fire etc around them as gods. There were only a few female deities who were venerated.

Indra

He was the god of strength. He was invoked to destroy the enemy. Indra was the god of thunder and rain, and could not be vanquished. The concept of the tribal chief found represented in the character of Indra.

Agni

Next important god was Agni. He was the god of fire. Agni was considered to be an intermediary between heaven and the earth. Marriages were solemnised in his presence. The practice still predominantly continues among Indians. The purifying nature of fire was symbolised by Agni. It was thought that the offerings to Agni were carried to the gods in the form of smoke.

Varuna

He was personified water. He was the upholder of the natural order of the universe.

Yama

He as the god of death. He had an important place in the Early Rig Vedic religious belief.

Ashwins

They were the twin-gods of heaven.

Dyaus was the god of sky.

Mitra was the god of light.

Prajanya was a rain deity (inferior to Indra).

Prithvi was the goddess of earth.

Aditi was the mother goddess.

Besides these gods and goddesses, prayers were addressed to a host of other celestial beings such as Gandharvas, Apsaras and Maruts.

An intimate personal relationship was thought to be existing between a Vedic Aryan and the gods he or she worshipped. Religions was not based on magic or ritual formulae, rather it stressed direct communication with the gods through sacrifices and hymns. Priests were considered merely assistants in proper performance of the sacrifices. This means an accomplished person could sing the hymns himself or herself and propitiate the gods.

The Vedic religion was sacrificial in nature. It was characteristic of a pastoral society where animal sacrifice was common. It is consistent with the need of the Rigvedic society that required a sustainable system to get rid of older animals which were not economically viable, helpful or useful. 

Sacrifices or yajnas were performed to invoke the gods seeking bestowing of boons from them. The boons sought were not about a place in the heaven but victory in battles, acquisition of cattle, begetting sons or progeny etc.

In other words, the sacrifices were performed with the aim of securing material gains. Gods were neither worshipped for spiritual uplift of people nor for any other abstract philosophical concept. The Vedic religion reflected thus the patriarchal and pastoral society which was materialistic in perspective.

The Rigved offers no consistent theory regarding life after death. The dead dwelt in the realm of Yama. The dead were either buried or cremated.

PS. I will follow this up with a debate on the Aryan question.

 

Harappa: Who were Indus people and how they lived?

Pashupati Seal of Indus Valley Civilisation at the National Museum, New Delhi. (Photo: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

Prabhash K Dutta

New Delhi

The quest to establish the identity of the people who made one of the greatest civilisations on the earth along the Indian rivers from the Indus to the Saraswati (Ghaggar-Hakra) and up to the Narmada is an ongoing exercise. The fact is we don't yet know. But we know partly how they might have evolved their civilisation and how they lived based on evidence excavated in the regions of India and Pakistan.

First, let's dig their background a bit. Nothing happens without a background and context. Let's see what was there before the magnificent people of the Indus Valley Civilisation made their advent.

THE OLDER PEOPLE

These older people were not actually old. They might not have had the chance of getting old as we perceive oldness today. Most probably, they were dying young. But we are not sure. We are not sure because they did not leave behind something in the language or signs that we understand fully. We depend on materials that we find during actual digging.

The oldest archaeological evidence of human habitation in India comes from Palaeolithic Age in Soan Valley, now in Pakistan and in South India chiefly in and around Chennai. Evidence of human habitation from Paleolithic Age is also found in the Belan Valley in Mirzapur, Uttar Pradesh, deserts of Didwana, and caves and rocks of Bhimbetka near Bhopal.

Mesolithic sites of human occupancy has been found in Chhotanagpur Plateau region in Central India, and also south of the Krishna, Birbhanpur in West Bengal, Timmeveli in Tamil Nadu, Bogor in Rajasthan, Langhraj in Gujarat, Bhimbetka and Adamgarh in Madhya Pradesh and Sarai Nahar Rai in Uttar Pradesh.

IMMEDIATE NEIGHBOURS IN HISTORY

Neolithic sites of humans are mostly found in the northwest region and the Deccan. Neolithic settlements at Mehargarh in Baluchistan seem to be the oldest dating around 7,000 BC. 

Humans began to domesticate animals and cultivate plants during Neolithic period. Dogs, goats and sheep were probably the first to be domesticated. Among plants, wheat and barley were the earliest cereals grown.

Neolithic people used ochre-coloured pottery. Wheel was an important invention.

Chalcolithic settlements are dated 1800-1000 BC. This period is defined by the use of copper by humans in India. Chalcolithic cultures seem to have existed over a wide area extending from the Chhotanagpur Plateau to the Upper Gangetic basin. Some of the other Chalcolithic sites are Brahmapuri near Mysorer and Navada Toli on the Narmada. But bronze tools were almost absent in India unlike Crete, Egypt and Mesopotamia.

From the Neolithic and Chalcolithic sites emerged the settlements of Harappan or Indus Valley Civilisation. This civilisation came to notice through the works of excavators such as Daya Ram Sahni, Marshall and his colleague RD Bannerji in 1920s. More excavations were carried out during 1960s under Sir Mortimer Wheeler.

Dancing Girl of Mohenjodaro at Baroda Museum. (Photo taken in 2018: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

THE WINGS OF INDUS

Prominent sites excavated are Ropar near Chandigarh, Lothal near Ahmedabad, Kalibangan in Rajasthan, Kot Diji and Chanhu Dao in Sindh, Dholavira in Kutch district, Banawali in Hisar district and Sutkagendor near the Makran coast.

Archaeological research has established the gradual evolution of Harappan civilisation from indigenous sources. The earliest evidence of the beginning of agricultural communities comes from a place called Mehargarh near Bolan Pass. It is a Neolithic settlement estimated to have been there by 7000 BC. People of this area grew wheat and barley. They tendered sheep and goats as early as fifth millennium BC.

In the Quetta Valley at the site of Damb Sadaal, large structures with brick walls dating from the beginning of the third millennium BC have been found. These people were also using clay seals and copper objects.

In the western Indus plains, a place called Rehman Dheri has an early Indus township that was excavated. All these sites show evidence of contact with Persian Gulf towns and those of Central Asia.

The transition from pre-Harappan to the mature Harappan culture is best evidenced at Amri, to the south-east of Baluchistan. A distinctive culture appeared here at the beginning of the third millennium BC. Here, people lived in houses of stone or mud-brick. They constructed some kind of a granary. They painted animal motifs such as humped bull on their pottery.

After a series of evolving stages, it gave way to what is known as the Harappan civilisation.

BUT WHERE ACTUALLY?

The Harappan cultue was spread over the whole of Sindh, Baluchistan, almost whole of Punjab, northern Rajasthan, Kathiawar and Gujarat. It was not just confined to the Indus Valley. Scholars generally believe that the civilisation could be better represented by a Harappa-Ghaggar (Kalibangan)-Mohanjodaro axis as its heartland. 

However, they also occupied such faraway places as Shatughai in Northeast Afghanistan or Surkotada in Gujarat. They probably settled in these places for trade. These settlements possibly formed the wide trade network and gave economic independence to each Harappan region.

Recent C-14 datings indicate the period of the mature Harappan civilisation could be around 2900/2800-1800 BC.

LET'S GO WINDOW SHOPPING

Harappa

It was located on the bank of River Ravi. Harappa was the first site to have been excavated in united India. That is why this civilization was named so. It is still not known what the people of this civilization called themselves or which name they identified with. A substantial section of the Hrappan population was engaged in activities other than food production such as administration, trade, craft work and religion.

Mohenjodaro

It was located on the bank of River Indus. Mohenjodaro was the largest Harappan city. It had a population of about 35,000. It was an unusually high number for people living in one city in those times. 

Another standout feature of Mohenjodaro was that the height of its buildings was more than 75 feet. This has been found in the remains and debris of the buildings. How much more was the height of those buildings is not known.

Kalibangan

Its remains have been found the dried-up bed of River Ghaggar. It was excavated in 1960 under the guidance of BK Thapar. This area had the largest concentration of the Harappan settlements. The area has yielded evidence of early Harappan period.

Lothal

Along with Rangapur and Surkotada, Lothal was an important centre of the Harappan civilization. Remains of Harappan Lothal city have been found in the coastal flat plains of the Gulf of Cambay. This place seems to have been an outpost for sea-trade with the contemporary West Asian societies. Its excavator SS Rao claimed to have discovered a dockyard here.

Sutkagendor

It was located near the Makran coast which is near the Pakistan-Iran border. It is now a dry inhospitable plain. The town had a citadel surrounded by a stone-wall built for defence. This place was probably used for sea-route trade.

Gilgamesh Seat at the National Museum, New Delhi. (Photo taken in 2016: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

THEY BUILT TOWNS WITH A PLAN

Each city was divided into a high citadel area and a low residential area. The citadel area had essential institutions of civil and religious life. The residential area had urban population living there. In Mohanjodaro and Harappa, the citadel was surrounded by a brick-wall. At Kalibanga, both citadel and the lower city were surrounded by a wall.

Citadel areas of different cities have been found to have some remarkable structures. For example, Mohenjodaro had the Great Bath, large granary and an assembly hall. Harappa had a number of granaries arranged in two rows of six rooms each with a central passage separating them. Kalibangan and Lothal had fire altars as their most significant discoveries.

The houses were constructed with kiln-made and also unbaked bricks but not of stones. The bathrooms and drains were invariably built with kiln-made or pucca bricks made waterproof by adding gypsum.

Their city roads met one another at 90-degree angles. They had broader main roads and narrower link roads. Their roads were broad enough to let two vehicles pass at a time with ease.

Their roads did not possibly have water-logging problem. They built a network of drains to make sure water did not log or left unattended. Their drains connected every house to main drainage system. Their roadside drains had man-hole and also hand-holes fitted with clay grills that worked as filters. These grills filtered garbage if somebody threw it deliberately or accidentally. The holes were meant for cleaning the drains allowing it carry waste water without getting choked unlike present-day municipal drains in Indian cities.

THEY GREW THEIR OWN FOOD 

The Harappan people cultivated wheat and barley, peas and dates, and sesame and mustard. The last two were used for oil. People cultivated paddy as early as 1800 BC in Lothal. Evidence of paddy cultivation has been found in Rangapur as well. The Harappans were the first people in the world to grow cotton.

They irrigated their crops. Irrigation depended on irregular flooding of the rivers of Punjab and Sindh. Evidence of canal irrigation practice has not been found.

Farmers probably used wooden plough for preparing their fields for cropping. Evidence of furrowed field has been found at Kalibangan. Wood of the plough could not have survived so long. They probably used a toothed harrow.

Burnt wheat, dates and shilajit from Indus Valley Civilisation at National Museum. (Photo taken in 2016: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

AND BRED THEIR STOCK TOO 

Besides sheep and goat, people of this civilization domesticated humped cattle, buffaloes and elephants. Bones of camel have been found at Kalibangan. Historians believe camel could have been a rare animal for the Harappans. Evidence is limited.

Some historians believe that horse was unknown to Harappans. Some others deny this assumption pointing out to horse jaw found at Rana Ghundai, remains at Surkotada, more evidence from a superficial level in Mohenjodaro and a doubtful terracotta figurine from Lothal.

Several varieties of deer were used as game by the Harappans.

A single instance of Indian rhinoceros has been found from Amri, southeast of Baluchistan.

TRADE AND BUSINESS IN BLOOD 

Trade might have been both overland and maritime as indicated by the occurrence of small terracotta boats and above all a big brick-built dock at Lothal as excavated by SR Rao’s team.

The system of weights and measures was excellent. For weighing goods, small as well as large, perfectly made cubes of agate were employed. The weights followed a binary system in the lower denominations such as 1,2,4,8—64 and then going to 160 and beyond that in the decimal multiples of 16 such as 320, 640, 1,600, 3,200 etc.

For length measurements, strips of shell were used. These strips were non-shrinkable in heat and cold. The measurement of length was based upon a unit of foot, 37.6 cm and a unit of cubit of 51.8 to 53.6 cm.

They imported or brought from outside their region a lot of goods. Copper was brought from South India, Baluchistan and Arabia. There was a copper mine at Khetri in Rajasthan and also in Baluchistan.

Gold was brought from South India, where Kolar fields were productive till recently, Afghanistan and Persia or Iran. Silver was brought from Afghanistan and Iran.

Clay figurines made by Indus people. (Photo taken in 2018 at Baroda Museum: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

Lapis Lazuli, a deep blue precious stone, was brought from Badakshan in Northeast Afghanistan. Turquoise (blue to green mineral) was brought from Kashmir and Iran. Jade was brought from Central Asia. Agate (variety of colours), chalcedony (multiple colours) and carnelian (brownish red) were brought from Saurashtra and other parts of West India.

The Harappans used seal and other small objects for stamping their goods, which have been found in Mesopotamian centres. Mesopotamian literature speak of merchants of Ur (a local city) as carrying on trade with foreign countries. Among these foreign countries, the most frequently mentioned are Tilmun, Magan and Meluhha.

Historians have identified Tilmun or Dilmun with the island of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf, Magan as Makan with Oman or if not, some other part of Saudi Arabia. Meluhha or Meluha is now generally believed to mean India known to Mesopotamian traders from Indus region and Saurashtra.

THEY WERE CRAFTY. WILL YOU CALL THEM ENGINEERS TOO?

Spinning and weaving cotton and wool were important craft practices in the Harappan centres. Bead-making might have been a profitable business. Beads of gold, silver, copper, faience, steatite, semi-precious stones, shells and ivory were made.

Seal-making was another flourishing craft of the time and place. Square or oblong seals of ivory, faience, steatite were common. Seals were beautifully glazed and carved with motifs of animals, birds, men and gods.

Terracotta manufacture included a large number of small figurines such as children’s toys. Some of the designs that have continued till recent times included string-climbing monkey and head-moving bull.

Bricklaying appears to have been yet another profitable venture. Harappan people used bricks on mass scaled. Their structures and roads used different types of bricks.

Pottery making was developed. Potteries were made chiefly of red clay which was turned on a fast lathe, glazed and ornamented with black bands and/or occasionally with figures of birds, animals and geometrical designs.

Metal working was highly skilled craft of the Indus people. They made fine gold jewelleries, bronze implements, copper beakers, chisels, saws and knives of different metals. They used cire perdue method (also called lost wax method of metal casting in which a molten metal is poured into a mould that has been created using a wax model) for casting bronze. The famous figurine of the dancing girl recovered from Mohenjodaro was made by this method.

Stone sculpture was rare and the craft appears to have been underdeveloped. The bearded man-head found at Mohenjodaro is, however, a famous piece of stone sculpture.

THEIR SCIENCE

The Harappans knew mining. They were also adept at manufacturing gypsum cement which was used to join stones and even metals. They knew how to make long-lasting paints and dyes. Mohenjodaro had a public bath worked by an ingenious hydraulic system..

The axes, chisels, knives, spearheads etc made of stone and bronze seem to have been produced on a mass scale at places such as Sukkur, in Sindh on the western bank of the Indus. 

THEY WERE WOMEN OF LETTERS. DID YOU ACTUALLY ASK ABOUT THEIR LITERACY RATE? 

The people of Indus Valley Civilisation knew how to write. But what they wrote is not known. Their script has not been deciphered. However, overlaps of letters on some of the potsherds found from Kalibangan show that the writing was boustrophedon, from right to the left and then from left to the write in alternate lines. It has been referred to as proto-Dravidian though their connection with Dravidian languages or scripts has not been established.

Bearded Man of Indus at Baroda Museum. (Photo taken in 2018: Sindhustan/Prabhash K Dutta)

AN ARTICLE OF FAITH, OR RELIGION? 

Not much is known about the belief system of the Indus Valley Civilisation people but they seem to have practised some form of it. Whether their belief system was organised like later religions is not known. However, there have been figurines, structures and findings that suggest they believed in some forms of gods.

Mother goddess appears to be an important deity of worship. She was possibly worshipped as a symbol of fertility. Clay figures have been found of mother goddess. In one such example, a goddess is shown growing a plant from her vagina.

Proto-Shiva could have been the most important male god. Figure resembling the traditional Pashupati Mahadeva has been found. A seated figure surrounded by various animals carved on a small stone has been found.

Numerous symbols of phallus and woman’s sex organs made of stone have been found. They might have been the objects of worship. Shakti and Shiva are often considered as the two pre-Aryan gods in the line with the theory that Aryans came to India from Central Asia and brought a new range of gods and goddesses along with a different belief system with them.

Peepal (sacred fig) appears to have been sacred and so was the bull. Peepal continues to be a sacred tree to a large number of Indians.

THEY WERE EMOTIONAL IN DEATHS FOR SURE

Evidence found in excavation suggests that some Indus Valley Civilisation people buried their dead in graves. It is evident from the discovery of a large cemetery in Harappa. Some others buried their dead ones in urn – urn-burial was practised.

They might have preferred cremation for the evidence of burials for large population over more than a thousand years during the peak of their civilisation is meagre.

The Indus people probably believed in life after death. Their graves contained household pottery, ornaments and interestingly mirrors. These items might have originally belonged to the deceased. The basic idea still continues. The family of the deceased often gives away the items that were on the body of the deceased in her final moments. These include clothes and ornaments, and at times bed in which she was breathed her last. This practice is also seen in the form of daan (gift) that is given to the priests performing funeral rituals for the deceased. All articles of daily use are given to the priests believing that these items would be of use for the deceased in the after-life.

The bodies were buried fully extended. The head of the deceased person was generally kept pointing towards the north. This practice still continues among a large number of Indian communities.

This is not all about the Indus people. But I had only this much of time today.

 

 

Let's understand flood, in Indian context

A flooded area in Bihar. (Photo credit: Facebook/WHO Bihar Region)

According to the Indian Meteorological Department (IMD), flood is a meteorological situation when water of a river begins to flow above the danger mark. The danger mark is fixed on the basis of average flow of the river over 25 to 50 years during monsoon period.

Drought is the situation, according to the IMD, having less than 5 cm rainfall for four continuous week any time between mid-May and mid-October. If the rainfall is less than 5 cm for any month (four continuous weeks), it is meteorological drought situation.

Flood prone areas are located practically in all parts of the country excluding the internal plateau regions. However, there has been varying tenure of flood and from that point of view, eastern India, northeastern India and eastern coastal plains are the worst affected areas as far as flood is concerned.

The IMD has divided flood into four tenures of flood and affected geographical regions:

Six-week flood region: Assam valley

4-6-week flood region: Eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bihar plain, West Bengal and isolated plain areas of the Northeast – Loktak basin and Tripura basin.

1-4-week flood region: Eastern coastal plain, Punjab, western Uttar Pradesh, Delhi Union Territory, South Gujarat especially Narmada and Tapi basins, and Kashmir Valley.

Less than one-week flood region: Central and northern Gujarat, Rajasthan, Haryana and peripheral parts of peninsular plateau.

There are some rivers, which are highly flood prone. Brahmaputra and Ganga cover about 60 per cent of flood prone areas of the country. Some flood prone rivers are Teesta, Kapoli (a tributary of Brahmaputra), Dihang and Burhi Dihang (known for flash floods).

In the Ganga system of the Himalayan rivers, the main flood causing rivers are, Mahananda, Kosi, Gandak, Burhi Gandak, Kamla Balan, Saryu, Ghaghra, Gomati, Ramganga and Yamuna. Kosi was once called the sorrow of Bihar.

In the peninsular India, the main flood causing rivers are, Son, Punpun, Ajay and Damodar, which was known as the sorrow of West Bengal once. At present, both Kosi and Damodar rivers have been managed and controlled to some extent but others continue to play the same role.

Among the East Coast river, Mahanadi, Godawari, Krishna, Cauvery and Brahmi are highly flood prone. Among west flowing peninsular rivers, Tapi and Sabarmati are highly flood prone.

In the Punjab plains, Sutlej and Beas are highly flood prone while in Haryana Ghaggar and Yamuna bring floods. The Jhelum is flood prone in the Kashmir Valley.

Besides these rivers, there are several short-distance rives, which flow on high slope and create flash flood during monsoon season.

Total area under flood-prone category, according to the Seventh Five-Year Plan papers is 320 lakh hectares where flood happens every year. Total flood-affected area is 2.42 crore hectares where flood occurs but not every year.

Causes of flood:

Flood is the manifestation of many geographical factors and, to many geographers and geologists it has become an ecological factor. This does mean that flood is bound to come in this part of the world every year. It is a flood-ecology region.

Factors:

1. Erratic behaviour of monsoon -- Sometimes the catchment area receives very high rainfall and then flood arrives. In the western India – Rajasthan, Gujarat and Haryana –torrential rain brings sudden outburst of rain which leads to flashfloods. In contrast, in the North-East, even the regular rainfall brings heavy rainfall and that is responsible for flood situation in the region.

2. Geomorphology -- Flood occurs due to geomorphological profile of central plain of India. Brahmaputra Valley is a narrow ramp valley. Similarly, the Ganga basin is sandwiched between the Himalayas and the peninsular plateaus. Both river valleys are bordered by steep rising slopes while the plains are among the flattest ones in the world.

This topographical feature brings rapid run-off from the catchment areas while the run-off in the plain moves at a slow speed. Consequently, these river basins overflow bringing flood over large areas during monsoon season.

3. Deforestation -- Deforestation in the Siwalik Himalaya has increased the volume of the run-off and therefore frequency and tenure of floods in many of Himalayan rivers.

Several peninsular rivers including small ones have become flood prone in recent years due to loss of trees in the past few decades, e.g. Ajay river has become flood-prone due to deforestation in the catchment area. Jhelum was not flood-prone earlier.

Mahananda was not so acute in bring floods. But at present all these rivers bring flood almost every year and that is related to deforestation. Several plateau districts of Jharkhand and Madhya Pradesh have fallen under flood due to deforestation and rapid run-off in these areas.

4. Soil Erosion and Siltation -- These are responsible for increased flood-frequency mainly in the central plain of the country. According to the UNEP, River Kosi is the second-most affected siltation affected river in the world, only after Hwang-ho of China.

Bed siltation occurs due to soil erosion in the catchment area and the deposition of silt in the plains owing to rivers’ inability to carry the load any further. It makes the valley shallow and whenever there is voluminous flow of water, it brings flood and water spreads in the surrounding areas.

5. Drainage Pattern -- It is responsible for the flood in the central plain. Most of the rivers make meandering courses. So, overflow brings waters of different rivers close and vast areas, thus, get inundated.

Punjab does not witness spread of water because of parallel, man-made, drainage of rivers. Although, the rivers often flow over danger mark during flood season but water does not spread. In Punjab, the doab line is always free from flood due to parallel pattern of drainage but the meandering courses of rivers in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, and braided courses in all delta regions create floods.

Most of the rivers have wide V-shaped valleys. So, the depth of the valley is not great and any increase in the volume of water leads to overflowing and inundation of the neighbouring areas.

Again some of the rivers have created natural levee which protects one side of the valley from flooding but the other bank is flooded and cause flood over low lying areas adjacent to that bank. Bihar plain is noted for this type of flood. Western banks of rivers in Darbhanga have natural levee.

In the central Bihar, there is also flood due to overflow of the main consequent river. Its overflow prevents the inflow of tributary water channels. In fact, the water of the main river, Ganga, begins to enter the course of the tributaries and the tributaries’ water is pushed back and water spreads over vast areas, e.g. Tal area flood in South Bihar and Jharkhand, Chaur area flood in West Bihar and West Bengal. Chaurs are the floodplains situated in the abandoned courses of rivers. They form ox-bow lakes during floods.

6. Shifting Course of Rivers -- Such flooding is mainly important in regions where river have a history of shifting their course. Rivers like Kosi, Teesta, Gomati and Mahananda are facing this problem.

Kosi is now believed to have settled in its course but others are still active. All these rivers have westward shifting courses. These rivers have a tendency to migrate to west. Hence, the west banks of these rivers are constantly being eroded and the east bank extends to a huge low lying floodplain. These rivers cause phenomenal spread of water beyond eastern banks onto the vast plain.

Rotation of the earth is held indirectly responsible for the westward shifting of these rivers and the associated floodplains. Rotational impact brings westward shift of rivers. The eastern banks become low lying and vulnerable to floods.

Eastern coastal plains receive floods not simply due to deforestation and rapid run-off but also because of cyclonic rainfall and greater havoc is caused by the combination of these factors. If there is high tide situation along with cyclone, rainfall causes great damage.

Cyclone brings rainfall and high tide water on the coastal plains as well as increases the velocity of the sea waves. Tidal water enters the mouth of the rivers pushing back the river water. The water level of the river increases. The river goes in a spate. The flow of the river is reversed and low lying floodplain is taken over by the floodwater. Such tidal flooding is seen in the Mahanadi and the Godawari.

Western coastal rivers generally receive flash floods. The duration of such floods is about one week. The situation mainly occurs due to deforestation along the Western Ghats. Loss of vegetation means less obstruction to run-off.

Rapid run-off leads to greater water volume in the river valleys than the channel is capable of carrying off to the sea. This pushes the water level up in the river valleys leading overflow and inundation in the neighbouring areas.

7. Human Factors -- Floods are also caused by human factors. Ironically, flood control programmes and some other developmental programmes have indirectly contributed in greater spreading of flood. Although, multi-purpose vally projects and other power generation projects have controlled floods in the basins of some of the rivers and regions. But the problem has emerged in a different way.

Due to siltation on the beds, the reservoirs’ capacity has reduced and whenever excess water is released from that reservoir through canals and other outlets, flood is caused. Flood water even enters the areas where flood had never come previously.

The canals also face siltation problems, which get compounded by the seepage of river water from the sides of the canals into neighbouring agricultural lands. These agricultural fields become unproductive due to excess of water and behave like marshy land and are waterlogged at times even if water is not pulled from these canals. The excessive wet lands are not conducive for agriculture.

This type of flood brings greater loss as this is relatively new phenomenon and people dependent on such lands are neither prepared nor equipped to deal with such a situation. In 1995, Banka district of Bihar turned into a wasteland due to opening of two reservoirs – Chandan and Orhni.

Governmental approach to construct embankments for the protection of settlement and agricultural lands has also deteriorated the situation in many parts of the country. Now, the approach is being modified. Such programmes are now being called flood protection programmes instead of flood control programme.

Thus, several new regions, e.g. in northeastern towns of Bihar, many new settlements have fallen in the trap of flood. Flood control measures have brought new dimensions in floods in India.